We are in the opening stages of the biggest radicalization in Britain since the 1920s and the early 19th Century. World capitalism is on its last legs. American Imperialism the last bedrock of capitalism is an advanced stage of decay. In order to understand the mass radicalization represented by the rise of Corbyn among millions of workers and sizeable middle class layers you have to situate it in the worse capitalist crisis of global capitalism. The left shift is emerging including its revolutionary wing due to Imperialism failing to restore Capitalism within the workers’ sates and re-colonising the semi-Colonies. It is due to these blows that the Imperialist capitalist classes are trying to make the working and sizable layers of the middle class pay for declining profit rates by imposing austerity.

It is an important victory that Russia is salvaging itself since 2000 as a workers’ state. A lot of the ex-Trotskyists in the worse crisis of Russian; Central Asian; Ukraine; Baltic; and Eastern European workers’ states gave up their defence against capitalist restoration when it is needed most in history. Trotsky and the Trotskyists as American Trotskyist Jim Cannon said in 1939 that if there is any threat of capitalist restoration to any workers’ state we would defend it until it is totally destroyed. A few weeks ago I was glancing at the Spartacus League’s 3rd camp turn in 1992. They made the correct point that Stalinism undermines the gains of workers’ states through its parasitism and its opportunist methods. This does not mean that capitalism was restored after 1991. They confused bureaucratic pillage and capitalist inroads with full-blown capitalist restoration. In their attack of the Ernest Mandel wing of the Fourth International (which I was part of) during the mid-1990s, the Spartacus League showed their move to the right when they argued it is reformist to defend the last gains of October 1917 Socialist revolution represented by the nationalised industries/sectors of industries and services within Russia.

After Putin consolidated the rule of Stalinism certain capitalists were expropriated; nationalised industries and public services gaining more government expenditure; and pensions increased. One of Trotsky’s big arguments for defending the workers’ states that even with extreme bureaucratic pillage, the workers’ states can bounce back. If capitalism is restored a lot of these economies would be destroyed due to them being unprofitable. Wages would be slashed and a lot of benefits such as unemployment and pensions benefits would be severely slashed. The fact that the Chinese Stalinist caste determines whether world capitalism survives is another surprising dialectical abrupt turns of history. It is another example of Law and Uneven and Combined Development in international relations. Lenin and Trotsky never under-estimated before the rise of Stalinism the Soviet Union as a workers’ state could show the superiority of a planned economy if they were able to trade on an equal basis with world capitalism. Trotsky never thought world capitalism would allow them to do this. There was a change in policy of Imperialism with the rise of Stalinism within the Soviet Union. Trotsky analysed that Imperialism welcomed the working class losing its political power. That was not good enough for them.

Imperialism wanted the restoration of capitalism. They could not pull this off because Stalinism as a caste could only expand their privileges by maintaining the socialization of the means of production, including nationalised industries which came out of the October 1917 Socialist revolution. Due to Soviet Stalinism ruling an improvised class, Trotsky argued in the Revolution Betrayed had the most autonomy of a caste from an existing ruling class, which was the Soviet working class. In order to contain a semi-revolutionary upheaval in France and America they needed the Soviet Bureaucracy which had decisive influence with the Stalinist French and American Communist parties to stop mass radicalization turning into full-fledge Socialist revolutions. There was a limited trade between American Imperialism and the Soviet Workers’ state during the 1930s. American engineers helped construct the huge industrial projects such as brand new factories and blast furnaces. This was in a period when world capitalism went through its worse crisis. The crisis from 2008 is even bigger than that depression. Trotsky argued at the beginning of his book the Revolution Betrayed that these huge projects showed the superiority of central planning over the chaos of Capitalist anarchy. It is the boom and slump cycles which leads to periodic crisis of overproduction and falling rates of profit within capitalism.

I have to look more into the details of the Belt Road initiative by the Chinese workers’ state. I am doing some research for a document which deals with this project in considerable detail, and has all the economic date to prove China is still a workers’ state. It is the biggest engineering project in history. By spending 900 Billion Dollars or Yuan it is 11 times bigger than the Marshall Plan conducted by American imperialism to reconstruct western Europe in the late 1940s. This project aims to link Asia with Africa; Balkans and Europe. They are building railways and ports. This project has a triple character. It shows the superiority of central planning. By the Chinese workers’ state linking up with the Russian workers’ state they are working together to weaken the extreme capitalist pressures on the Eastern European workers’ states. Another positive feature of this project is that are lifting Pakistan and Africa from the constraints of backwardness that Imperialism imposes on then. Imperialist dominance of these semi-colonies can only be ended by the Bourgeois Nationalists being overthrown as part of the Permanent socialist revolution. Negatively world capitalism is surviving through this trade, and gives a new lease od life for the Bourgeois nationalist within the semi-colonies.

The majority of British workers were revolutionary in the early part of the 19th Century due to them being super-exploited. They lived in very cramped conditions; had sewage causing cholera; and they had to work 18 hour days in factory sweatshops. Due to similar conditions in the colonies millions of workers supported the struggle against the Slave Trade. Even in this period there had been an Aristocracy of labour around the Docks who were pro-Imperialist and racist. Trotsky argued that Chartism as a revolutionary mass movement used every tactic. This was only surpassed he argued by the rise of the Russian revolutionary workers movement of early 20th Century.

In the rest of this document I want to compare the radicalization today with 1945 and 1997 general elections. In 1945 the Labour Party received 47.7% of the vote and 393 seats through first past the post system. Millions of workers and sizable middle class layers radicalized about the hardships during the 1930s depression and World War 2. In order to incorporate the working class for the Imperialist war effort they had to strengthen elements of the welfare state during world war 2. The Red Army marched to Berlin. This on top of a mass radicalization within Western Europe and America strengthened the radicalization. There were mass strikes in America during this period. Due to anti-war feeling British Imperialism had to accept the independence for India and Pakistan. Key reforms which British capitalism was forced to accept due to fearing revolutionary unrest was the NHS being established; welfare state payments; coal mines and railways being nationalised.

It is important for Trotskyists to learn the lessons of how a radicalization represented by the Labour Party’s landslide in 1997 was missed. In the 1997 General Election the Labour Party received 43.2% of the vote and through the electoral system gained 418 seats. There were mass anger of the underfunding of the NHS and education by the John Major Tory government. A layer of the middle class were pauperised by the Pound crashing out with other currencies in the Exchange Rate Mechanism. They had to pay 15% interest on their mortgages. There was mass opposition to the privatisation of the railways.

Due to a failure to build a left-wing within the Labour Party against New Labour a lot of the left went ultra-left dismissing it as a Bourgeois party. If large layers of the left had not gone on this ultra-left course they could have destroyed New Labour years ago by having a united front with Social Democrats in their internal battles within the Labour Party. They could have stopped the introduction of fees for university students. Another move they could have disability benefits cuts being stopped. Finally they could have halted the privatisation of schools and hospitals through academies and PFI. The Iraq War weakened the Labour Party. Due to the failure to build creditable left alternative to New Labour within the Labour Party played into the Tories and Lib Dems hands of forming a coalition government to enforce austerity. Ed Miliband’s weak response to these attacks played into the Tories hands to gain a majority of 12 at the 2015 General Election.

It is hard to predict the outcome of this general election. It could be close between Labour and Tory. There could be a number of surprises in the results. There is great potential for a Labour Party landslide bigger than 1945 and 1997. The mass meetings and rallies for Corbyn indicates the potential. By calling for a number of industries being nationalised; tuition fees to be scrapped; an increase in the living wage to ten pound; and rights at work from day 1 of employment could attract millions of workers and middle class elements to vote Labour. The last time a government got a 50% of the vote was in 1931. That was w coalition government. Two reasons it is important to fight for a majority Labour government are that it is key the Tories are kicked out. Another reason it weakens the main ruling class’s attempt to form a pro-EU coalition government.